As dismayed as Americans are with the influence of the special interests that finance election campaigns, they've been reluctant to embrace the alternative: taxpayer-financed elections.
Unfortunately, money in politics is an insidious thing - and a loophole in our campaign finance system was taken advantage of with money going to existing or new 527 groups with the sole purpose of influencing the election.
The super PACs have brought an element of fear into the equation. The fact that they can bring this money into the campaign, basically ambush you out of nowhere, and you'll have no way to fight back.
When I started my campaign for Congress, I was one who people said, 'Tulsi, you have a bright future, but there's no way you can win.'
Barack Obama's inspirational whoosh to the presidency in 2008 was unusual. Most campaigns are less exhilarating; indeed, they are downright disappointing - until someone wins.
It is sad that the Republican leadership is not as interested as they say they are in protecting the institution of marriage as they are in waging a campaign to divide and distract the American people from the real issues that need to be addressed.
Year after year, President Bush has broken his campaign promises on college aid. And year after year, the Republican leadership in Congress has let him do it.
Downplaying their faults is pretty much the point of campaigns. But we do count on them living with the constant terror of public rejection.
The long, dull, monotonous years of middle-aged prosperity or middle-aged adversity are excellent campaigning weather for the devil.
Conservatives and companies condoned Rush Limbaugh's 2006 attacks on Michael J. Fox for campaigning about stem cell research.
In most of my campaigns, I find it is best not to mention my opponent by name because, by doing so, it just gives him a chance to get into the headlines.
If New Mexican voters believe the path to create American jobs is keeping taxes low, then they have an option. That's my campaign.
The Court made an exception, however, in the case of candidates contributing to their own campaigns because of the rather reasonable presumption that a candidate is incapable of corrupting himself.
When I met Paul Ryan 22 years ago, he was a student at Miami of Ohio volunteering on my campaign.
Like a midwife, I make my living bringing new babies into the world, except that mine are new advertising campaigns.
I'm also involved in the rights of the disabled and do some fundraising for that and I thought it would have been a big boost for the campaign but it couldn't be worked out.
I've learned the dangerous lesson of the web: You succeed by giving up control, and that's inverse of the normal campaign.
An office occupation is another example as not only douse it disrupt the activities of the organization it also can raise the media profile of the campaign.
When I first ran for Congress in 1992, I campaigned on a pledge to make affordable, quality healthcare a right, not a privilege, for all Americans.
When my father announced his campaign for president on Oct. 3, 1991, I had already cast my vote in favor of his candidacy.
Even during my father's 1984 gubernatorial campaign, it was, 'Do you want to grow up and be governor one day?' 'No. I am four.'
